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We Should Not Mourn the Death of Irish Neutrality- It’s Time We Hastened It

  • 20 hours ago
  • 4 min read

by Ben Raher



Given the turbulent era we live in, it is not unsurprising that foreign policy is at the heart of Irish politics. While there has been a certain level of mutual agreement between Irish political parties on several matters, support for the European Union, Ukraine’s struggle against Russian aggression and Palestinian self-determination, the topic of Irish neutrality is increasingly fraught. The governing parties of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael have expressed their support for neutrality, though recent moves to reform the state’s position on international security have led to accusations that they are not committed enough. Indeed, for the predominantly left-wing opposition, neutrality is something of a dogma, a policy that is central to our identity on the world stage and how others perceive us. Such advocates argue that it allows Ireland to be a credible voice for peace and an independent champion of altruistic causes.

However, not only is this questionable, but Ireland’s current model of neutrality has failed to ensure that the country is protected from external threats. Even compared to other neutral countries, Ireland has an underequipped military that cannot fulfil its duty to defend the state. Furthermore, as a core member of the European project, Ireland has a moral and political obligation to stand in solidarity with its allies. While there is increasingly an openness to reform, sooner or later, our selective attitude to defence matters will need to be further reexamined. As part of this, there ought to be further rapprochement with regional defensive organizations, chiefly existing European frameworks and even NATO, an organization that we have long had a mutually beneficial relationship with.


 It is increasingly recognized that Ireland’s security policy needs to be re-evaluated. However, supporters of Irish neutrality often dismiss defence-related concerns on the basis that there is no clear threat to Ireland and preposterously, that our neutrality ensures we are not the target of foreign aggression. Such a view is wildly ignorant of Ireland’s position internationally and the challenges posed to its security as a result of it. Ireland is a committed member of the European Union and its geographical location is strategically important, even more so given the development of critical infrastructure in the area. Since the invasion of Ukraine, we have seen a campaign of hybrid warfare waged against European countries by Russia, with attacks on infrastructure such as undersea cables and railway links. There is no reason to think that Ireland is immune to this threat. The network of undersea cables which pass through or near Irish waters (and account for close to 75 percent of such cables in the Northern Hemisphere) are particularly vulnerable. Russian vessels have been observed operating in proximity to them and if they were to be severed, the impact on global communications would be devastating. Therefore, Ireland is not only responsible for defending its own interests, but protecting those of its European neighbours as well. In order to be able to do so, Ireland must cooperate with its regional allies. In 2024, the Irish government and NATO deepened their cooperation on this particular issue (and others) through an Individually Tailored Partnership Program, which ensures information and intelligence sharing and deeper engagement on civil defence in regard to infrastructure. 


 Ireland has long been an important NATO partner, even before 2022. Since 1999 it has been a member of the Partnership for Peace program and Irish troops have collaborated with NATO on peacekeeping operations. Clearly, cooperation with NATO is in Ireland’s interests.

The organization is composed of like-minded member states united by shared interests and values.

Notwithstanding anxieties over the attitude of the current U.S. administration, full membership at some stage should not be out of the question. Irish membership of NATO would allow it to not only secure guarantees of protection for itself and allow deeper inter-operability with allies, but would allow Ireland to play its part in contributing to the security of the North Atlantic region, which it is politically and economically intertwined with. Even if Irish membership of NATO does not come to pass, there is little excuse for not contributing to a European defensive framework. Solidarity with our regional partners is more important than ever, as they too weather (often the brunt of) the shared challenges we face. Despite their limited resources, the Irish Defence Forces are respected by their international peers and would be a worthy addition to any defensive organization. This of course would mean an end to Ireland’s policy of neutrality, but in my opinion, this should not be lamented. 


 Neutrality impedes Irish participation in valuable defensive organisations, and it’s supposed importance to our often humanitarian-focused foreign policy does not withstand scrutiny. Being able to defend one's interests and acting as an advocate for peace and altruistic causes internationally are not mutually exclusive things. Norway, for example, was a founding member of NATO yet is also trusted and admired for its commitment to peacebuilding and international development around the globe. It is a major donor to the United Nations and Norwegian troops have served under that flag in peacekeeping missions. Along with fellow NATO member Spain, Norway joined Ireland in recognizing the State of Palestine in 2024. In 2003, when the United States invaded Iraq, several NATO countries including France, Germany, Norway and Canada were publicly unsupportive of the operation. Indeed, NATO as an organization had no involvement in the invasion. These examples highlight the fact that NATO countries can and do maintain independent foreign policies, while ultimately agreeing to cooperate on matters of shared importance.


Ultimately, it is my assessment that the benefits of Irish neutrality are exaggerated, and it prevents Ireland from playing a more active role in contributing to the security of Europe and indeed, the world. Being a neutral country has done little to insulate us from the threats faced by our European partners and given the success of militarily aligned countries in acting as respected peacemakers and supporters of humanitarian causes internationally, hardly contributes in any meaningful way to our soft power. We would be much better served by embracing the regional military alliances which our closest allies are core participants of, rather than holding onto a policy which is defined by flawed assumptions and perpetuated by ignorance. 



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